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代写美国essay:The flaws in American democracy

时间:2018-10-16 17:26来源:www.ukthesis.org 作者:英国论文网 点击联系客服: 客服:Damien
导读: 这是一篇美国essay范文,讨论了美国民主制度的缺陷。制度是一个国家得以有序运行的必要条件和有力保证。但是从本质来说,制度是由人制定的,不可避免的会带有时代局限性和考虑不周全的方面,不存在十全十美的制度,美国的制度也远非完美。在世纪之交的美国大选、医疗改革和官员腐败等事例中,都真实反映了美国的民主制度中存在的弊病。
When it comes to the United States, it is inevitable to talk about its democracy, which includes the separation of powers, the two-party system and the civil liberties. Indeed, for the first time, the United States transformed the political philosophy of power restriction and balance, social contract, and people's sovereignty into reality. On this basis, it led the American people to become the only superpower in the world and realized the American dream generation after generation. Even so, the American system is far from perfect. In particular, the 21st century, from the election at the turn of the century to the war in Iraq, to the difficult health care reform, to the exposure of official corruption, all reflect the shortcomings of the American political system. The emergence of these problems has led to people's reflection. It seems that the American political system, which always prides itself on stability, is less and less able to adapt to the development of The Times. The reform plan of the political system in some aspects is also put into the proposal of congress. Due to the limited space, this paper will try to demonstrate some problems of American democracy from several aspects such as separation of powers, supervision of the news media and participation in politics of interest groups.
In order to prevent the uncontrolled expansion of power, the institutional designers introduced the decentralization thought of political philosophers such as Locke and montesquieu into the United States, and made the three branches of legislation, administration and justice link up with each other, separate and restrict each other. However, the institutional design of the separation of powers principle in the specific implementation process is far more complicated than the theoretical level. Designers must fully consider the possibility of all kinds of abuses, design a series of complex procedures, on the one hand, to ensure that the legislative, administrative and judicial mutual containment, which one can own the power of the infinite expansion, on the other hand, to guarantee to cooperation between them, not because of too much checks and balances and hinder the smooth operation of the policy. American system design takes these two aspects into consideration, trying to harmonize the contradiction between restriction and cooperation to the greatest extent. The United States, for example, the constitution gives congress with legislative power, the other two departments shall not interfere in, but at the same time, the President has the veto of legislation, federal courts have the unconstitutional review power, such an arrangement makes the administrative and judicial departments on the premise of not impede legislative independence in fact involved in the legislative process and play the role of the legislature of legislative activities to supervise. However, in fact, the distribution of power cannot be equal. When the total amount of power remains in a relatively stable range, there is a game for power among various departments, which makes American politics swing between "big congress" and "big President". In many cases, this pendulum phenomenon results in the failure of various departments to play a positive role in the restriction and the inefficiency of the collaboration. These phenomena reflect the funnel in the system, once it is used intentionally, the impact will be huge. There are many examples of checks and balances failing. The President of the United States, as a dual representative of the head of state and the head of government, can have as much, if not more, influence as the despot once power is not forcefully limited. Mr Bush is clearly very good at spotting and using the system's funnel for his own use, pushing his own claims on everything from appointing officials to spending money to military defence. The inefficiencies of co-operation are too numerous to mention. In diplomacy, the imbalance of power is even more pronounced. In this regard, American scholars made an oblique comment that "the President of the United States almost dominates the major policies of American foreign affairs, while the congress is seen as a political platform to realize the diversified democratic values in the United States". Chinese scholars put it more bluntly: "when it comes to foreign affairs, the role of congress has almost invariably been portrayed as an inconsequential silence." But the effect is often negative. In international exchanges, the United States' dual diplomatic system has led to foreign distrust and weakened the image of a responsible major power in many cases. President Wilson, who enthusiastically called for the establishment of the league of nations, was unable to join it because of congressional opposition. Many of the President's bilateral, multilateral agreements are not approved by congress, making presidential diplomacy less effective. At home, the recent financial crisis, for example, has been exacerbated by divisions in congress and the President that have made America's response to the crisis slow. Francis fukuyama, author of "the end of history" and a former champion of democracy and market economics, has recently begun to value the Chinese model of "responsible authority", recognising the efficiency of centralised institutions and their huge capacity to mobilise. Moreover, as a representative of the neo-conservative forces, Mr. Fukuyama's criticism of "the United States is caught by the fire in the process of emphasizing the use of force to promote democracy" reflects the increasing reflection of American academia on the domestic and diplomatic aspects of its own political system.(责任编辑:quanlei_cai)

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